ویلیام داگلاس – «آزربایجان» سرزمين‌های شگفت انگیز و مردمانی مهربان

William Orville Douglas

ویلیام داگلاس از چهره‌های برجسته دستگاه قضايی امريکاست و آثارش بخشی از تاريخ حقوقی مدنی و آزادی‌های ليبرالی اين کشور را نشان می‌دهد، بنا به علاقه فراوانش به کوهنوردی، جهانگردی و مطالعه وقايع جهان، اکثر کشورهای خاورميانه را گشته، از يونان، اردن، مصر، ترکيه، قبرس، ايران، افغانستان گذشته و وقايع مهم و خصايل ويژه مردم اين کشورها را با ديد خودش به رشته تحرير درآورده است. او همچون سياحی بی طرف ولی معتقد به آزادی‌های مدنی و حقوق بشر و مخالف سرسخت شوروی و بلوک شرق آن زمان آثارش را به يادگار گذاشته است. در کشور ما ايران، بنا به سنت ديرينه و نهادی شده استبداد، ترجمه اين کتاب چندان مورد نظر ماموران دولتی و يا روشنفکران وفادار به قدرت حاکمه نبوده است. چرا که وقايع نگاری و يا خاطره نويسی اين چهره برجسته حقوقی چندان با مذاق اين قبيل افراد خوانايی نداشته است.

 

بخشی از کتاب » سرزمين‌های شگفت انگیز و مردمانی مهربان» نوشته ویلیام داگلاس – ترجمه حمید دادیزاده تبریزی

من از طريق گزارشات روزنامه‌ها فکر می‌کردم که پيشه وری انسانی بی کفايت، غير کارآمد و مامور شوروی بود، اما از مطالعات و از مسافرت‌هايم به آزربایجان در سال ۱۹۵۰ دريافتم که پيشه وری سياستمداری موشکاف بود. او برنامه‌ای به آزربایجان تهيه ديد که هنوز امروزه هم به طور فزاينده‌ای مورد پشتيبانی مردم است.

کسی نمی‌داند که برنامه دراز مدت پيشه وری چه می‌شد. خيلی‌ها اين سوظن را داشتند که او مدل روسيه را پياده کند، بعضی‌ها براين باورند که پيشه وری دنبال برنامه‌ای بود که نيازهای ايرانيان را برآورده کند درحالی که چاشنی اندکی نيز از سوسياليسم به همراه داشت. اما قسمت اعظم پروژه که پيشه وری برای آزربایجان داشت به نوعی رفرم مستقيم و خالص بود.

• قسمت مهم برنامه وی که بخش اعظم روستاييان از آن پشتيبانی می‌کردند، اصلاحات ارضی بود. اين اصلاحات چاشنی اندکی از کمونيسم هم داشت. او زمين‌های مالکان بزرگ فراری را ضبط کرد و آن را بين روستاييان تقسيم کرد. اما پيشه وری هرگز به اموال و املاک مالکانی که در آذربايجان ماندند دست نزد، قانون جديد تنها سهم ساکنان املاک را از محصولات افزايش داد.

• پيشه وری همچنين چاشنی اندکی از سوسياليسم به برنامه‌هايش داد و دولت او بانک‌های بزرگ را ملی کرد.

• کار بزرگ ديگری که پيشه وری بعد از اصلاحات ارضی، که مورد پشتيبانی کامل مردم قرار گرفت جلوگيری از هرگونه رشوه خواری کارمندان دولتی بود که رشوه را به عنوان جرم تلقی کرد. دو کارمند عاليرتبه و چند کارمند جز دولت وی به همين جرم رشوه گيری از مردم به دار آويخته شدند. اين قانون اثر فوق العاده روشنی داشت. بازرگانان و تجار به من گفتند که در دوران پيشه وری حتی آنها به خود جرات می‌دادند که مغازه‌ها و حجره های خود را شبها هم باز بگذارند، بی آنکه ترسی از دزدها داشته باشند. مردم عادی به من گفتند برای اولين بار در دوران پيشه وری مردم می‌توانستند ماشين‌های خود را شبها در خيابانها نگه دارند بی آنکه کسی چراغ‌ها، لاستيک‌ها و يا ديگر قطعات مهم ماشين‌اش را از دست بدهد.

• کلينيک‌های پزشکی ايجاد شدند، برخی سيار بود و در خدمت روستاييان اطراف تبريز.

• قيمت کالاهای مايحتاج مردم به طور شديدی کنترل می‌شد، احتکار مواد غذايی به شدت تنبيه می‌شد، نوعی سهميه بندی غذايی به کار افتاد تا هريک از شهروندان بتوانند نيازهای حداقل خود را دريافت دارند. پيشه وری قول داده بود که هزينه زندگی چهل درصد کاهش يابد و او موفق به انجام اين کار شد.

• حداقل دستمزد و حداکثر ساعات کار مشخص شد و سيستم چانه زنی جمعی مابين کارمندان و کارفرمايان برای اولين بار به راه افتاد.

• پروژه کارهای عام المنفعه برگزار شد و اکثر خيابان‌ها و جاده‌ها اسفالت شدند هرکس بيکار بود به کار گمارده شد.

• سيستم گسترده آموزشی برنامه ريزی و اجرا شد برای تمام روستاها مدرسه طرح ريزی شد و دانشگاه تبريز با دو کالج ديگر افتتاح شد، کالج پزشکی و دانشکده ادبيات (دانشگاه تبريز هنوز دايره است) عرصه‌های مربوط به فرهنگ آزربایجان مورد تاکيد قرار گرفت. زبان تدريس در دوره ابتدايی به آذربايجانی تغيير يافت.

• پيشه وری مدافع خود مختاری برای آزربایجان بود. اما او جدايی از ايران را نمی‌خواست. او می‌خواست حداقل نصف مالياتی که از آزربایجانی‌ها اخذ می‌شود در آزربایجان هزينه شود. او می‌خواست اين استان به درجه بيشتری حق خودکفايی و خود گردانی داشته باشد و در پارلمان دولتی تهران نيز نمايندگان بيشتری داشته باشد.

برنامه دولت پيشه وری غير از اين موارد بخش‌های ديگری هم دارد، اما اين موارد اصلی برنامه وی بود. از زمانی که گذر وقايع سبب برافتادن دولت پيشه وری شد مسايلی پيش آمد که برنامه‌های او را از ديد و نظر مردم عادی جذاب‌تر و به طور فزاينده‌ای مقبول‌تر کرد.

زمانی که ارتش دولتی وارد آزربایجان شد سرو صدای نعره آوری ايجاد کرد. سربازان دولتی تاراج را آغاز کردند، غارت می‌کردند و می‌بردند هرچه به دستشان می‌رسيد و به آن هم رحم نمی‌کردند. (در مقام مقايسه) ارتش روس‌ها از رفتار و کردار بغايت بهتری برخوردار بودند. ارتش دولتی که خود را ارتش نجات بخش می‌ناميد، قشون درنده و اشغالگر بود. اين ارتش زخمهای وحشتناکی در مردم به جای گذاشت. خرمن های دهقانان سوزانده شده نابود گشتند، زنان و دختران روستاييان آزربایجان مورد تجاوز جنسی قرار گرفتند. خانه‌های مردم غارت و چپاول شدند. اغنام و احشام (چهارپايان) روستاييان به غارت رفتند و دزديده شدند. ارتش دولتی خارج از کنترل بود. ماموريت ارتش شاهنشاهی آزادی و نجات بود، اما اين ارتش مردم عادی را مورد شکار قرار داد و ويرانی، غارت و مرگ از خود بجای گذاشت.

هنوز ارتش شاهی در منطقه بود که مالکان فراری رسيدند. آنها نه تنها خواستار املاک و کرايه آنها شدند، بلکه خواستار کرايه‌هايی شدند که در دوران پيشه وری مردم صاحب زمين شده بودند. اين پرداخت های اجباری گذشته سبب نابودی ذخيره غذايی دهقانان و به خاک سيه نشستن آنها گرديد.

Strange Lands and friendly people – William O. Douglas (October 16, 1898 – January 19, 1980)

Ref : http://21-azer.blogspot.com/

I had assumed from press reports that Pishevari was not only a Soviet stooge but a bumbling and ineffective one as well. I learned from my travels in Azerbaijan in 1950 that Pishevari was an astute politician who forged a program for Azerbaijan that is still enor mously popular.

What his long-range program would have been no one knows.Many suspect it would have followed the Russian pattern; others say It would have been tuned to Persian needs with a mild bram of socialism. But the bulk of the program which Pishevari actual! imposed on Azerbaijan was purely straight reform.

1. The part of his program which most impressed the peasant was land reform. It had some communism in it. He confiscated the land of all absentee landlords and distributed it to the peasants. But he left untouched the land of resident landlords; a new law  merel increased the tenants7 share of the crop.

2. Pishevari also gave a socialistic flavor to his program. Hi government nationalized the larger banks.

3. Second only to land reform in popular appeal was the law that made It a capital offense or  a public official to take a bribe. Two top officials and a few lesser ones were hanged for this offense. The law had an electrifying effect. Merchants told me that they could keep their stores unlocked all night and be safe from robbers. Natives told me that for the first time they could with safety keep their cars on the streets all night without losing wheels, headlights or any other removable parts.

4. Health clinics were created, some being itinerant and serving the villages from Tabriz.

5. The prices of basic commodities were rigidly controlled hoarding of food was severely punished, a rationing system wa adopted where by everyone received the minimum requirements for living. Pishevari promised that the cost of living would be reduce 40 per cent; and it was.

6. A minimum-wage and maximum-hours-of-work law was established and collective  bargaining between employees and employer was introduced.

7. A public-works program was undertaken and many streets and roads were paved. The unemployed were put to work.

8. A broad educational program was launched, schools being planned for all the villages. The University of Tabriz was found with two colleges a medical school and a school of literature

(The University is still a going concern.) The cultural aspects of Azerbaijan were emphasized. Instruction in the primary school was in the Azerbaijan language.

9. Pishevari sponsored autonomy for Azerbaijan, but not separation from Iran. He wanted at least half the taxes collected greater degree of self-government and a larger representation in the national parliament than it had ever enjoyed.

There were other parts to Pishevari s program; but these were the basic ones. Events intervening since the Pishevari government collapsed have made this program increasingly attractive to the people as they view it in retrospect. When the Persian Army returned to Azerbaijan it came with a roar. Soldiers ran riot, looting and plundering, taking what they wanted. The Russian Army had been on its best behavior. The Persian Army the army of emancipation was a savage army of occupation. It left a brutal mark on the people. The beards of peasants were burned, their wives and daughters raped. Houses were plundered; livestock was stolen. The Army was out of control. Its mission had been liberation; but it preyed on the civilians, leaving death and destruction behind.

On the heels of the Army came the absentee landlords. They demanded not only the current rentals; they also laid claim to the rent which had not been paid while Pishevari was in power. These back payments were a severe drain on the food supply of the peasants.

آزربایجانی‌ها را آزاد کنید / اسامی حامیان جدید کمپین

با گذشت اندک زمانی از انتشار بیانیه درخواست آزادی زندانیان سیاسی آزربایجان ، سیصد نفر دیگر از کنشگران اجتماعی ، سیاسی به جمع حامیان آن پیوستند که اینک اسامی کل حامیان که بیش از هزاروصد نفر می باشند ، تقدیم خوانندگان محترم می شود.

بیانیه جمعی از خانواده‌های زندانیان سیاسی، روشنفکران، اساتید دانشگاه،  فعالین جنبش‌های اجتماعی و حقوق بشر

آزربایجانی‌ها را آزاد کنید

از اوایل بهار امسال تا کنون دهها تن از مدافعین حقوق مدنی و فرهنگی آذربایجانی در شهرهای مختلف از جمله شهرهای تبریز، تهران، کرج، اورمیه، اردبیل، میاندوآب، ماکو، کلیبر، مشکین‌شهر، خوی و صوفیان و…. دستگیر و راهی زندان شده‌اند. هرچند برخی از آنان به قید وثیقه و… آزاد شده‌اند اما هنوز گروهی به اسامی خانم‌ها حمیده فرجزاده، زهرا فرجزاده (فعالین حقوق زن) و آقایان اکبر آزاد (نویسنده و ژورنالیست)، مهندس حسن رحیمی بیات (فعال حقوق بشر)، حسین نصیری، دکتر علیرضا عبدالهی، دکتر لطیف حسنی، مهندس محمود فضلی، مهندس شهرام رادمهر، آیت مهرعلی بیگلو، بهبود قلیزاده، آیدین خواجه‌ای، بهمن نصیرزاده، حیدرکریمی،  نعیم احمدی، یونس سلیمانی،  شکرالله قهرمانی فرد، همگی از فعالین مدنی آذربایجان هنوز بطور متوسط سه ماه در زندان انفرادی بوده‌اند، این درحالی است که سعيد متين‌پور، علی عباسی، ودود سعادتی، رحیم غلامی و بهروز علیزاده نيز از سال گذشته همچنان در حال سپری کردن زندان خود بوده و اخیرا نیز خانم هانیه فرشی شتربان و ….. بازداشت و به مجموعه قبلی اضافه گشته‌اند.

به قرار اطلاع بسیاری از این دستگیری‌ها بدون ارائه حکم دادگستری انجام شده، آنان در زندان انفرادی نگهداری می‌شوند و از حق انتخاب وکیل محرومند، برخی تحت شکنجه‌های شدید فیزیکی و روحی قرار گرفته‌، اجازه ملاقات یا تماس تلفنی با خانواده‌شان را ندارند !

ما ضمن تایید حقانیت آذربایجانی‌ها در طرح مطالبات فرهنگی، زبانی، اجتماعی، اقتصادی و سیاسی خویش، اعتقاد داریم که مبارزه برای تامین دموکراسی از مبارزه برای تامین حقوق اولیه اهالی مناطق اتنیک کشور جدا نیست، ما سیاست‌های تبعیض‌آمیز حکومت‌های مرکزی ایران را که موجب عقب‌ماندگی نسبی مناطق مختلف و ایجاد شکاف قومی در جامعه ایران شده است را به شدت محکوم می‌کنیم.

ما معتقدیم که مبارزه با دیکتاتوری با نادیده گرفتن، حقوق شهروندان ترک و کرد و عرب و ترکمن و بلوچ و …. موفقیتی در پی نخواهد داشت.

لذا بدین‌وسیله ضمن محکوم نمودن هرگونه مصادیق خشونت، شکنجه، تحقیر و توهین و نقض حقوق فردی بازداشت‌شدگان و با درخواست از رسانه‌های مستقل و سازمانهای حقوق بشری جهت پوشش خبری و حمایت از آنان، خواهان آزادی سریع و بی‌قیدوشرط و ارجاع پرونده آنها به یک محکمه عادله هستیم

سری دوم امضاها شامل سیصد امضا به ترتیب حروف الفبا

الهوردی اباذری، حسن اباذری، عباس اباذری، سیروس ابراهیم نژاد، مهدی ابراهیمزاده، ایپک احسنگر، آذر احسنگر، سارا احسنگر، صونا احسنگر، سریه اردبیلی، داداش اصلانزاده، فردین افروزی، حسین اکبرزاده، روح اله اکبری، آشقین امامی، گونش امانی، احمد امراهی، آیدا امیرهاشمی، عبداله امیرهاشمی (جوانشیر)، فرهاد امیری، محسن امینی، محمد انصاری، محمدرضا انصاری، مرتضی اوجاقلو، مصطفی اوروج قلیلو، ابراهیم ایرانی، مریم ایرجی، لاچین ایمانپور، فریدون آدی‌گوزلی، موسی آشفته، حمید آقاسی، صدرا آقاسی، مرتضی آقاسی، بهروز آقایی، سلطانعلی باقرپور، عمران باقری، محمد باقری، اتابک بختآور، بابک بختآور، سیامک بختآور، علی بدلی، اختر بدوستانی، ابراهیم برادران، سولدوز بورچالی، سمیه بی‌غم، حمید بیات، علی بیات، عیوض بیات، داوود بیات‌ماکویی، محمدعلی بیانی، مصطفی پاکنژاد، عباس پوراظهری، حسین پورمحمدی، حسین پور مهدی، علی پورعلی، حسن پورممی، علی پورولی، اعظم پیری، هایده تابش، بایبک تبریزلی، محمدرضا تبریزلی، بهنام ترکانپور، اسد تقیزاده، عظیم تمجیدی، حمیده جباری، ابراهیم جعفرزاده، منوچهر جعفرزاده، جوانشیر جعفروف، ائلناز جعفری، تقی جمالزاده، اسماعیل جمالی، رحیم جوادبیگلو، احمد جوادی، علیرضا جوانبخت قولنجی، کریم جهانگرد، حیدر جهانگیری، زریر جهانگیری، کاوه جهانگیری، امین جهانی، رضا حاجی‌زاده، شیرزاد حاجیلو، نعمت حاجیلو، حسین حسنی، فرهاد حسنی، یعقوب حسنی، علیرضا حسینزاده، حسن حسینعلی، سیدمرتضی حسینی، رضا حقی زاده، یاشار حکاک‌پور، عیسی حمزه‌زاده، حمید دادپور ، مهدی حمیدی شفیق، فاطمه حیدری، لیلا حیدری‌زاد، اختر خانی، داوود خداکرمی، ودود خدایی، محمدرضا خشتی، احسان خضرلو، مهدی خضرلو، حمید خلیلی، احمد خوشبخت، حاج حسن خیاط، حمید دادپور، علی دانایی، بابک دانشور، نسیم داودزاده، علی دماوندی، بهنام دوستدار، سیما دیدار، مهدی دیهمی، بهروز ربیعی، عارف رحیم اوغلو، بهرام رحیمی بیات، خدیجه رحیمی بیات، مریم رحیمی بیات، محمد رزاقی، بیوک رسولوند، مجید رضاپور، رضا رضازاده، یحیی رضازاده، خلیل رضائی، جواد رضوانی، علی رنجبر، فرحروز رنجبر، حسن زارع‌زاده اردشیر، یونس زارعیون، آینور زرین تاج، فاخته زمانی، پیروز زورچنگ، جواد زیرک، سجاد زینالی، علی ستاری، ثریا سرمست، مسعود سرمست، محرم سعادتی، محمود سعادتی، مصطفی سعادتی، عبداله سعادتی یئنگیجه، بهنام سلطان بیگی، علیرضا سلطانی، قهرمان سلطانی، گودرز سلمانی نساز، آیدین سلیمی، مهدی سلیمی، بهرام سیدی، خسرو سیدی نادارلی، احد شادباد، عبدالله شفاهی، مهدی شفاهی، وحید شیخ بگلو، بهنام شیخی، بهنام شیخی سامانلو، ایوب شیری، غلامرضا صبری تبریزی، سعید صداقت، حسن صفری، سمیه صمدی، مینا صمدی، داریوش ضیائی، عطیه طاهری، حسن ظاهر، لیلا ظاهر، امیر عابدینی، علیرضا عباسعلیزاده، سعید عباسی، سالار عراقی، سلمان عراقی، عیسی عراقی، صمد عزلتی، پیام علی‌قلیلو، سئودا علی محمدی، فرج علیاری، رجب علیزاده، صدرالدین علیزاده، محمود علیزاده، معین علیزاده، سئودا علیمحمدی، داریوش عندلیبیان، مقصود عهدی، جواد غازانی، سهند غلامی، غنی غنیزاده، جلیل غنیلو، باقر فاطمی، جواد فتحی، لاله فخری زنوز، نوید فرازی، عباس فرزین مهر، شعبان فرشی، علی فرشی، مرتضی فرشی، علیرضا فرشی یکانلی، افضل الدین فضلی، ایوب فضلی، حاجی فضلی، غنی فیضی بالو، رحیم قابل نژاد، محرم قادری، رضا قاسم پور، زینال قاسم‌نژاد، نادر قره باغلی، واحد قره باغلی، گلی قره داغی، یوسف قصابی، مهدی قلی پور، مریم قلیزاده، احد قنبری، حسن قولنجی، آیناز قیچلو، محمود کارگر، هما کاویانی، اکبر کرمی، مهرداد کرمی، مجتبی کرنی، ایلقار کریمی، شعبان کریمی، مسعود کلانتری، فرناز کمالی، مینا کهربائی، جعفر کیوانچهر، علیرضا گلزارنژاد، الیاس گندمی، آراز م. فنی، تکین ماهارلی، اکبر مجرد صوفیان، بایرام محبعلی‌لو، بهمن محبعلی‌لو، علی محبعلی‌پور، هادی محسن‌زاده، مینا محمدپور، دنیز محمدزاده، احمد محمدی، امید محمدی، علی محمدی، یعقوب محمدی، حسین محمدی الوار، مرجان محمدی خانقاه، دومان محمودی، علی محمودی، مرتضی مرادپور، مرتضی مرادی، آزاد مرادیان، سید حسن مرتضوی هریس، رامین مردانی، ابوالفضل ملکی، حمید منافی نادارلی، وحید منافی نادارلی، یونس منافی نادارلی، حبیب منفی آذر، سعید موسوی‌پور، حمید موسوی پور اصل، طاهر مهامی، مهسا مهدی‌زاده، حمید مهشید، بهار ناظری، آتا بی نجف‌پور، شروین دخت نجف‌پور، نسترن ندائی، سهند نسیمی، امیر نصیبی، رمضان نصیرزاده، عماد نصیرزاده، غلامرضا نصیرزاده، فرشته نصیرزاده، مجتبی نصیرزاده، ودود نظام، تئلناز نعمتی، اکبر نعیمی، عباس نعیمی، خدیجه نورزاده، بلال نورمحمدی، جلال نورمحمدی، جلیل نورمحمدی، رعنا نورمحمدی، ماهرخ نورمحمدی، مهراب نورمحمدی، مهران نورمحمدی، بهنام نورمحمدی نادارلی، مرتضی نورمحمدی نادارلی، اصغر نوری، افسانه نوری، اکبر نوری، عباس نیکروان، یاسر نیکروان، امیر عباس وجودی، هرمز هاشمی، شاهین هلالی خیاوی، نگار همتی، فرشته یعقوبی، رحمن یوسفی.

سری اول امضاها  شامل هشتصد امضا

صفر ابدالی، گوهر ابدالی، مهدی ابدالی، سیروس ابراهیم نژاد، شهباز ابراهیم نژاد، منوچهر ابراهیم نژاد، خانواده احمدی: (اکبر، بهروز، پرویز، ثریا، حسن، حسین، خلیل، رقیه، ریحانه، سمیرا، سیروس، علی، قربان، گل‌محمد، محمد، مهدی، مهرداد و ولی احمدی)، امین احمدیان، حسن احمدیان، وحیده احمدیان، یاشار ادریسی، علیرضا اردبیلی، غلامرضا اردبیلی، محمد اردبیلی، آیسان اردبیلی اصل، پروین اردلان، حسن ارک، امیر اسحاقی، زهره اسدپور، لیلا اسدی، یاسر اسدی، صادق اسکندری، زویا اسکندریان، سعیده اسلامی، محمد حسین اسماعیل، بهرام اسماعیل بیگی، علیرضا اصغرزاده، افسانه اصفهانی زاده، غلامعلی اصفهانی زاده، الهام اصفهانیان، حسین اصفهانیان، آراز اصل خلخالی، داداش اصلانزاده، سولماز اصلانزاده، سئویم اصلانزاده، یاشار اصلانزاده، بابک اصلانی، نگار اصلانی، آتیلا اعتمادی، بهارک اعتمادی، مهدی اعتمادی، ناصر افشارلی، علی افشاری، محمودعلی افشاریه، امیر اقنایی، محمدرضا الاردبیلی، نسرین الماسی، رجب الیاسی، صفورا الیاسی، اکبر امانتی، امیر امانتی، احمد امید یزدانی، فرهاد امیدوار، نوشابه امیری، آسیه امینی، مهدی امینی زاده، علی انجم روز، الناز انصاری، وهاب انصاری، حسین انور حقیقی، عباس انورحقیقی، علی اورمان، کریم اورمولو، ائلناز اوستاجلو، آیسان اوستاجلو، حسین اوستاجلو، سحر اوستاجلو، شاهین اوستاجلو، لیلا اوستاجلو، مریم اهری، عبدالله اهوازی، نادر اهوازی، حسین ایامی، سمیه ایامی، رضا ایروانی، روشنک ایروانی، ژیلا ائل بی قیزی، سولماز ائلبی قیزی، م. ائینالی، توران آتا بی لی، طغرل آتابای، ابوذر آذران، سئودا آذرتورک، عذرا آذری، مهدی آذری، مهدی آذری، یعقوب آذری، مرضیه آریانفر، خانواده آزاد: ( ائلناز، آیدا، حیدر، فاطمه، گوزل، محسن و یاشار آزاد)، محمد آزادگر، عباس آزادیان، داریوش آشوری، مهدی آقا زاده، بابک آکسون، آرش آهنگر قشقائی، کاوه آهنگری، پروانه آیتی، شکور بابازاده، ناهید بابازاده، الناز بابایی، اوختای بابایی، یاشیل بابک، غازی باشبوغ، ناصر باغیر اوغلو، نادر باغیر اوغلو (جوشغون آذر اوغلو)،  خاقان باقراوغلو، مهدی باقری، مهدی بایرامزاده، لیلی بخشی پور، سهند بخشیان، منیره برادران، رضا براهنی، فائزه برقی، ناصر بلیدای، صفیه بندوخت، جاوید بنی فاطمه، مریم بهاران، شهلا بهاردوست، مهران بهاری، گلاله بهرامی، نجات بهرامی، پوریا بهروان، حسن بهگر، آرش بهمنی، صبری بهمنی، ناهید بهمنی، احمدرضا بیات شیرازی، افسانه بیاتی، سعید بیدخت، بهرام بیگدلی، رضا بیگزاده، آیدا بیلگین، آیسان بیلگین، آیلین بیلگین، محمود بیلگین، هاشم بیلگین، اکبر پاشایی، سولماز پوراقدم، احمد پوردستان، گلی پورستمی، خدیجه پورمهدی، خلیل پورمهدی، رسول پورمهدی، علی پورمهدی، سلمان پورنجف، صالح پورنجف، کاظم پورنجف، زینب پیغمبرزاده، بلال تابعی، علی تاتار، محمد تارین، رمضان تاریوردی، ائلیار تبریزلی، رضا تبریزی، خسرو تجربه کار، هاجر ترخانی، آیدین تقی پور، ربابه تقی زاده، علی تقی‌پور، آیدا تمجیدی، حسن تمجیدی، عظیم تمجیدی، نیره توحیدی، بابک تهرانی، سمیه تهرانی، مژگان ثروتی، احمد جابر، عبداله جبرائیلی، خرامان جعفراووا، اصغر جعفربیگی،  خانواده جعفرپور: (ائلمان، حسن، حسین، ساری‌گل، کمال، مرتضی و مصطفی جعفرپور)، نوشین جعفرقیزی، اکبر جعفری، حامد جعفری، رضا جعفری، فاطمه جعفری، یاشار جعفری، امیر جلایر ادریسی، سهراب جلوخانی، بایرام جلیلی، پینار جلیلی، احمد جمشیدی، اسماعیل جمیلی، بهروز جوادی، سارا جوادی، جلوه جواهری، محمود جوشغون، احد جولانی، محمد جهانبخش، اسفندیار جهانبخشی، غزاله جهانشاه،  خانواده جهانگیرپور: (رحیم، زینب، صابر، عبدالله، لطیفه، محمود، معصومه، منصوره، مهدیه و وحید جهانگیرپور) حسین جهانی، کاظم جهانی، حمید حاتم خانی، سیف الدین حاتملوئی، ائلچین حاتمی، علی حاجی، حبیبه حافظی، علی حامد ایمان، بابک حبیبی، جلال حجتی، عبدالحسین حردان، رزا حسامی، صمد حسن زاده، گیتی حسن زاده، هادی حسن زاده، حسین حسن زاده اصل، گیتی حسنپور، رویا حسنپور ابهری، احد حسن‌خانی، سیامک حسن‌خانی، مینا حسنخانی، هاتف حسن‌خانی، جابر حسنزاده، صابر حسنزاده، مهدی حسنزاده، الهام حسنلو، شاهین حسنی، منیره حسنی، فیروز حسین اوغلو، مریم حسین خواه، هوشنگ حسین زاده، حسین حسینپور، سعید حلفی، اصغر حمدی، نوروز حمزی، عبد حمیدی، هادی حمیدی، حمید حنیفی، آذر حیدرقیزی، حسین حیدری،  ستار حیدری، فاطمه حیدری، مهدی حیدری (اهوازی)، مهدی حیدری (آذربایجانی)،  مقدم حیدری زاده، فخرالدین حیدریان، شریف حیوزاوی، امیر خالقی، فاطمه خالقی، بهزاد خدابنده لو، الله‌وردی خدایی، جبرائیل خدایی، سریه خدایی، قلی خدایی، مهدی خدایی، نوروز خدایی، عباس خرسندی، مصطفی خسروی، ویدا خسروی، الناز خلخالی، علیرضا خلیلی، رویا خویی، محمدرضا خویی، اکرم خیرخواه، عبداله خیرخواه، رضا داداش نژاد، شورانگیز داداشی، مسعود داداشی، یاشار دانشگر، فریبا داوودی مهاجر، جواد درختی، حسن درخشان، حبیب درزی نویسی، علی دروازه غاری، عیوض دستمرد، یمن دستمرد، سلامت دشتی، حبیب دلیری، امیر دلیلی، جابر دنیامالی، مصطفی دولتخواه، محمدعلی دولتمندی، رضا دهقان(چنگی)، آیدین دهقانی، اتابک دیاری، آیسان ذوالقدر، حوریه ذوالقدری، الهه رادمهر، سجاد رادمهر، صالح رادمهر، جعفر راشدی، حسن راشدی، بیوک راعی، ولی راعی، مریم رحمانی، احمد رحیمی، نریمان رحیمی، آیت رزاقی، جابر رزاقی، نصیر رزاقی، سهراب رشتبری، علی رشتبری، عیسی رشتبری، ابراهیم رشیدی، امیر رشیدی، کامی رضانیا، پینار رضایی، علی رضایی، محمد رضایی، مهدی رضایی، کاوه رضائی شیراز، احسان رمضانیان، علیرضا رهبری، سئودا زبردست، شلاله زبردست، حسن زرهی، کاوه زنجانلی، محمد زین الدینی، رمضان ساعدی، ناهی ساعدی، موسی ساکت، آتیلا سببی، مناف سببی، بهرام سپاسگذار، سوره سربازی، آیدا سعادت، بابک سعادتمند، لیلا سعادتی،  خانواده سعدالهی: ( ابوالفضل، ائلناز، بهروز، بهزاد، خدیجه، داوود، عبادالله، علی، مهناز، ولی و یونس سعدالهی)، محمد سعید زاده، محمود سعیدزاده، تیمور سلجوق، رضا سلحشور، ناهید سلطان زاده، هدایت سلطانزاده، صابر سلطانی، علی سلطانی، عدنان سلمان، خانیم سلمانزاده، مریم سلمانزاده، ایلقار سلیمانی، آراز سلیمانی، سلیمان سلیمانی، فیصل سواری، افسانه سولدوزلو، بهرام سهرابی، امیر سؤیلم، علی سیاسی راد، حوریه سید عباسی، محمود سید کریمی، اسد سیف، فرشید سیگاری، سلمان سیما، افسانه سئویگین، ستار سئویگین، حسین شاخصی، حمید شافعی، علی شاملی، یونس شاملی، اصلان شاهسئون، آزاده شاهسئون، شهلا شاهسئون، یونس شاهورن، اکبر شبانی، عباس شبانی، معصومه شبانی، بابک شربیانی، نوید شرکتی، جلیل شرهانی، حسن شریعتمداری، امیر شریف‌نیا، رامین شریف‌نیا، موسی شریفی، روحی شفیعی، امید شکری، جبرائیل شکری، اصغر شکیبا، اکبر شکیبا، حسین شمسی، باقر شهنازی، نگین شیخ الاسلامی وطنی، شهاب الدین شیخی، فرشته شیرازی، محمد شیرزاد، سیروس شیری، فیروز شیری، ابولقاسم صادقی، فتانه صادقی، سیمین صبری، عیسی صبری، موسی صبری، رشید صبوری، لیلا صحت، ضیاء صدرالاشرافی، سمیرا صدری، علیرضا صرافی، جلال صفراوغلو، حسن صفری، سهیل صفری، یاور صفری، فرزاد صمدلی، امیر رضا صیادی، ابراهیم ضحاک، گلشن ضربی، معصومه ضیا، فرح طاهری، هادی طرفی، فاضل طریفی، سوسن طلوعی، یوسف طهماسب‌زاده، عهدیه عبادی، افسر عباس تقی دیزج، الهام عباسپور، الناز عباسزاده، فرح عباسزاده، محبوبه عباسقلی زاده، جواد عباسی، حسن عباسی، حسین عباسی، محمد عباسی، محمدرضا عباسیون علی اباد، کمال عبدالخانی، وجدان عبدالرحمن، ظریفه عبدالهی، علی عبدالهی، علیرضا عبدالهی، گلناره عبدالهی، تورج عبدل‌زاده، قلی عبدل‌زاده، میثاق عبدلی سیسان، کریم عبدیان، ناصر عبیات، محمد عتیقی‌نژاد، فریبا عجمی، احمد عجمی هیدج، رضا عدالتی، صدیقه عدالتی، جواد عدلتی، جواد عدلی، مهدی عراقی، پروین عراقی مرعشی، مهدی عربشاهی، اصلان عربلوئی، بابک عربلوئی، راحل عزمی، سجاد عزیزی، سعید عزیزی، سهیلا عزیزی، یوسف عزیزی بنی طرف، عصمت عطایی، اکبر عطری، کاظم علمداری، بهاره علوی، رضا علوی ثانی، جعفر علی عباسی، ابراهیم علیپور، فرهمند علیپور، غلامحسین علیپور اصل، فریبا علیپور خرمدره، شهین علیزاده، غلامعلی علیزاده، یوسف علیزاده آذر، غلامعلی علیزاده مراغی، داریوش عندلیبیان، بهبود غلامی، توکل غنی لو، ارسان غیبی، بیوک غیبی، کبری غیبی، میرولی غیبی، ناصر غیبی، فرشید فاریابی، حیدر فتاحی، روح‌الله فتاحی، فرشته فراهانی، خانواده فرجزاده: (ابوالفضل، حسن، حسین ه، حمید، سکینه، عقیل، فاطمه، فرشته، محبوب، محمود و ملیحه فرجزاده)، مهدیه فرجزاده، خدیجه فرجی، یارغیب فرجی، بهنام فردی، عصمت فردی، نصیب فردی، یعقوب فردی، یوسف فردی، محمود فرزانه، سمیه فرشی، غلام فرهنگی، سمیه فرید، فرانک فرید، امین فضلی، صابر فضلی، ثریا فلاح، آقابیگم فیض‌الهی، علی قاراپاپاق، ائلدار قاراداغلی، آغری قاراداغلی، حسن قاسمپور، حسین قاسمپور، خانم قاسمپور، قاسمعلی قاسم‌پور، اختر قاسمی، اژدر قاسمی، محسن قاسمی، معصوم قاسمی، کاوه قاسمی کرمانشاهی، سعید قاسمی نژاد، ایوب قانع، محمد قائم مقامی، بهروز قرابابائی، اکبر قربانی، علی قره‌جه‌لو، شهین قزلباش، فاطمه قزلباش خمسه، زهره قزوینی‌زاده،  خانواده قلیزاده: (حمید، داداش، روح‌الله، ژیلا، سولماز، شاهباز، مجید، محمد و وحید قلیزاده، حسین قنبری، زهرا قنبری، هانیه قورخماز، سهیلا قهرمانی، ماوی قهرمانی، یاشار قهرمانی، حسن کاظمزاده، رضا کاظمی، مجید کاظمی، علی کافی، صالح کامرانی، هادی کحال‌زاده، کاوه کرمانشاهی، عبدل کریم زهی، شهلا کریمزاده، سولماز کریمزاده اصل، امیر کریمی، بهروز کریمی، بهزاد کریمی، رضا کریمی، علی کریمی، علیرضا کریمی، وجیهه کریمی، محمدعلی کریمی اصل، علی کشاورز، خلیل کعبی، حسن کمانداری، حامد کنانی، جلال کودریلو، امیر کیارسی، آتیلا کیشی‌زاده، خانواده کیومرثی: ( اتابک، احمد، اصغر، اکبر، بابک، حسین، سامان، سمیرا، فاطمه، محسن و محسن کیومرثی)، عباد گرگری، علیرضا گلزارنیا، سید میثم گلستانی، گونتای گنجالپ، جاوید گونئی، حسن لاهیجی، نگار السادات لاهیجی، عباس لسانی، الهام لطیفی، ژیلا م. شریعت پناهی، محمود ماهری، لیلا مجتهدی، کاظم مجدم، عسگر مجرد، داریوش مجلسی، الهام محبوبی، محبوبه محبی، سوسن محرمی، علی محمدزادگان، یاشار محمدزادگان، بهکام محمدی، بهمن محمدی، روژین محمدی، سامان محمدی، فرحناز محمدی، نسرین محمدی، نوید محمدی نسب آباد، صیاد محمدیان، آزاد محمودی، شهاب مخبری، احمد مختاری، علی مختاری، نسرین مختاری، آیدین مخلص علوی، بلال مراد ویسی، شاهین مرادی، صابر مرادی، عادل مرادی، امیر مردانی، فرنگیز مردای، فرید مریشدی، شهرزاد مسعودی، مهرداد مشایخی، اسماعیل مشفقی‌فر، منصور مشفقی‌فر، محمد مصری، کاوه مظفری، مهری معمار حسینی، محمود معمارنژاد، علی معینی، خدیجه مقدم، رضوان مقدم

ترجمه انگلیسی

Release the Azerbaijani Civil and Cultural Rights Advocates in Iran

ترجمه عربی

اطلقوا سراح المعتقلين الاذربايجانيين

ترجمه ترکی

Güney Azərbaycanlı məhbuslari Buraxın

Release the Azerbaijani Civil and Cultural Rights Advocates in Iran

Declaration of a Group of Political Prisoners’ Families, Intellectuals, Academics, Civil Movements and Human Rights Activists

Release the Azerbaijani (Civil and Cultural Rights Advocates in Iran)

2010-29-8

From the beginning of the spring of this year tens of Azerbaijani civil and cultural rights advocates in different cities including Tabriz, Tehran, Karaj, Urmieh, Ardebil, Miandoab, Makoo, Kaleibar, Meshkinshahr, Khoy and Soofian, have been arrested and imprisoned. Although some of them have been bailed out, yet a group consisting of Hamideh Farajzadeh, Zahra Farajzadeh (women’s rights activists), Akbar Azad (writer and journalist), Hasan Rahimi Bayat (human rights activist), Hosein Nasiri, Dr. Alireza Abdollahi, Dr. Latif Hasani, Mahmood Fazli, Shahram Radmehr, Ayat Mehrali Beigloo, Behbood Gholizadeh, Aydin Khajei, Bahman Nasirzadeh, Heidar Karimi, Naim Ahmadi, Yunes Soleimani and Shokrollah Qahremani Fard – all of them Azerbaijani civil rights activists – have been in solitary confinement averagely for three months. This is while Saeid Matinpoor, Ali Abbasi, Vadud Saadati, Rahim Gholami and Behrooz Alizadeh have been in prison since last year. Lately, also Hanie Farshi Shotorban has been arrested and added to the previous collection.

As we know, many of these detentions have been realized without the presentation of a court injunction, the detainees are kept in solitary cells and are deprived of the right to choose a lawyer. Some have been exposed to severe physical and mental torture and are not allowed to meet or contact their family.

We, besides acknowledging the legitimacy of the Azerbaijanis demanding their cultural, lingual, social, economic, and political rights, believe that the campaign/struggle for achieving democracy is not separated from the campaign for earning the basic rights of residents of the ethnic communities of the country. We severely condemn the discriminatory policies (toward the non-Persian ethnic communities) of the central government of Iran, which have caused relative lag in different regions and have created ethnic gap in the society of Iran.

We believe that the campaign against dictatorship in Iran will not succeed if ignoring the citizenship rights of the Turks, and Kurds, and Arabs, and Baloochs. So, condemning all types of violence, torture, insult, aspersion and trampling of the individual rights of the arrested people, we are requesting the independent media and human rights organizations to through news covering, want their unconditional release and the referring of their cases to a fair and impartial court.

Iran: What Would Real Democracy Look Like? – Fakhteh Zamani

I would like to thank the UNPO and the Nonviolent Radical Party for organizing such a wonderful and needed conference. It has been my great pleasure and honor to listen to all the esteemed speakers—even those with whom I may not completely share the same views.

 

Our panel has been tasked with the tricky responsibility of sharing strategies for change and outlining the role of the international community in fostering democratic movements in Iran and its Diaspora. In this short address, I shall discuss the organization I represent, the challenges we face in the Iranian society, why the support of the international community is essential, and conclude with solutions for a better Iran. 

 As the founding president of the Canada-based Association for the Defence of the Azerbaijani Political Prisoners in Iran, I represent Azerbaijani activists who have been marginalized and victimized solely on the basis of their ethnicity, language, and religion. Rising to the challenge, Azerbaijani activists have embraced the responsibility of defending not just Azerbaijani rights but of other unrepresented groups.  Dr. Reza Baraheni, acclaimed political activist has passionately shared that “little is more traumatic than the suppression of one’s mother tongue.”  I agree and also believe this is something all humans, not just Iranian minorities, can understand.  Inspired by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, our organization hopes to serve as a tool to create awareness regarding the exclusion of minorities, and become a catalyst for positive change in Iran. Thus the Association was born, out of a sociopolitical climate that refuses to recognize the violation of minority rights.

 The suppression of minorities lies at the core of the Iranian government’s attempt to alienate their history and assimilate them into the dominant Persian culture. The effects of such tactics also limit these communities from developing economically, socially, and politically. This is not a recent development, but something that has its origins in the first Pahlavi era that started in 1925. The demand for cultural, linguistic, religious, and political rights is a legitimate right of all. Unfortunately, it is not a recognized right in Iran today. For example, in an attempt to demand these rights and seek democratic participation from the government, Azerbaijani Turks have organized peaceful protests similar to that of the  “Green Movement” and have suffered violent reprisals from government and other groups. These efforts have largely remained unnoticed in the dominant Persian media. Moreover, bringing this to the attention of influential leaders and authorities is to risk being labeled a separatist, pan-Turk, foreign agent and traitor to the country. I, personally, have found this rather puzzling as Azerbaijanis largely seek equality and inclusion in the official fabric of Iranian affairs. So, my dear friends, you see that the challenge of unrepresented groups are twofold—hostility from the government through imprisonment, torture, or death; and from the opposition groups through indifference and suppression.

 However, there is hope, and being a part of this conference inspires me as it offers the opportunity to rewrite negative narratives and forge a constructive path to an inclusive Iran. We need the help of our esteemed hosts and the international community in creating awareness of the challenges faced by unrepresented groups in Iran. We commend you for the incredible courage and support you have lent the “Green Movement” and request that the same type of support be given to other ethnic groups. For example, we do need the international media to cover such news worthy stories like the protest of May 2006, where, according to an Amnesty International estimate, thousands may have been arrested and scores killed. In this way the international community can be essential in acknowledging those excluded through racism and oppression.

 I would also like to argue that the most sustainable role for the international community is to encourage a platform that addresses issues facing not only the Iranian government but the whole society with its ethnic linguistic and social injustice issues. Iran is a multicultural society where most than half the population belongs to a non-Persian ethnic. For a sustainable democracy, we need the international community to hold Iranian leaders accountable for the preservation and protection of minority rights. Much can and will be gained when a government seeks to take care of all its people.

 Having mentioned the challenges within the Iranian society and highlighted the important role the international community can play, I will share what steps Iran and the stakeholder groups should undertake to bring about the change desperately needed.

 

A necessary step is that all must recognize and acknowledge the disregard for diversity, misrepresentation of non-Persian groups, and racist policies by the government and the larger society. This has created an economic and sociopolitical inequality in the country. Such an approach to unity or nationhood always produces disillusionment within minority groups against the dominant group thus giving way to conflict, and war—which is unsustainable for any state. It is similar to a virus that could destroy us from within. For real change, the Iranian society must fully embrace the diversity of the entire people. This means that as the movements in Iran fight for progress, we must discuss the diversity of needs that face our society. As stakeholders in this struggle, we must fight to work in tandem to discuss the issues that face each and every group in Iran and develop ways in which to address their needs.

 The only movement or ideology that can produce significant change in the Iranian society, is the one which will acknowledge and grant full rights to all minorities—not just Azerbaijanis, but Kurds, Arabs, Baluchis, Turkmens, and more—and fully commit to combating racist elements in our Iranian society. I believe this ideology and approach will be the critical element to fostering democracy and human rights in Iran.

The invaluable support of the international community will also offer a political bullhorn that places these human rights violations in the world’s consciousness, creating transparency and placing onus of responsibility on those perpetuating the marginalization of minorities.

As I conclude, allow me to leave you with a quote you all know so well: “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” This was argued by the iconic Martin Luther King jr. in his quest for civil rights of Black Americans. The injustice of minorities in Iran is truly a threat to all—Iranians and their friends in the international community—as true democracy will never be realized if we do not address these challenges on our way to progress.

Thank you for your kind attention

Mrs Sediqeh Adalati’s speech in Italy Parliament about future Iran and Democracy

Honorable members of the Italian Parliament and senate

Ladies and gentlemen

On behalf of the Federal-Democratic Movement of Azerbaijan and as a member of Congress of Nationalities for a Federal Iran , I wish to express my appreciations to UNPO which gives us an opportunity to highlight and discuss the obstacles preventing the transition of the Iranian society to a democratic system. In my speech, I will point out the main reasons behind these obstacles and our strategies to overcome them.

The most obvious reason for the lack of democracy in Iran is the rule of an authoritarian religious dictatorship in the country. For more than 30 years, the country has been governed by so-called theocratic leaders. In Iran, the state is said to be governed by divine guidance or by officials who are regarded as divinely guided.

Theocracy is the backbone of the ruling system in Iran, therefore the state not only   prevents any attempt towards progress and innovation, but also it forbids the freedom of thought, conscience, expression, opinion and above all, is against everything democracy depends on.

The constitution of the Islamic republic of Iran mandates that the official religion of Iran is Islam with clear preference given to the shi’a. By this means it has annihilated the solidarity of Iranians. It rejects the equal civil rights of the Iranians clearly and classifies them as first and second class citizens. This constitution denies non Farsi nationalities, Sunni Muslims, women and religious minorities.

The second major indication for the lack of democracy is the absence of the non Persian Iranians from political landscape of the country. For instance, although Iranian Turks are the largest nation in Iran, they are not involved in political power.

The Islamic republic of Iran has continued to practice the Pahlavi tradition of assimilating non Farsi nationalities that by the beginning of the twentieth century through a long-lasting political plan had forbidden the using of their language and the practice of their cultural tradition. The oppressive Islamic regime not only continued, but strengthened the assimilation policies of the shah. The intention was to curtail and weaken the development of the non Farsi nationalities and marginalize their role in Iranian society.

Denying non-Farsi nationalities the right to use their mother tongue in education has not only guaranteed the monopolization of power, knowledge and domination by the ruling authorities, it has also caused the restriction of the ability of critical and analytical thinking, discussing, questioning and interrogation.  Paulo Freire, an acclaimed Brazilian educator and influential theorist of critical pedagogy, has called this procedure the” violation of the structure of thinking”.

The economic development of non Farsi regions in Iran have also been negatively influenced by this policy .For example the rate of investment in Kerman province has been about 300 times more than in Azerbaijan.

Before the Islamic revolution in 1979 South Azerbaijan was the second-highest industrially developed province in the country. A few years later, it dropped to 17^th place.

South Azerbaijan is the founder of the modern educational system and schooling in the country. The second university in Iran as well as the first newspaper was also initially originated in that province. However, at the moment the rate of the literacy has dropped to 20^th place.

Another crucial obstacle that prevents any democratic change in Iran is the repression of the women’s rights in the country. Since the establishment of the Islamic republic there exists a sexual apartheid in Iran. The constitution of the Islamic republic of Iran considers the women as the second class citizens. Additionally after the establishment of Islamic Republic in January 1979, some restrictions such as the enforcement of compulsory Hijab and the exclusion of women from employment of certain occupations, for example working as judges, were imposed on them.

And now what are our strategies:

1-In our opinion to change the Iranian regime to a laic and democratic system it is crucial that the women movement, nationalities, the labor movement and the freedom movement cooperate together.

2- We are opposed the military invasion of external forces and believe that these kinds of foreign interventions only strengthen the power of the ruling authorities in using them as excuses for suppressing the opposition. The security and military regime would use them to consolidate its reign and further destroy the critical opponents.

3- We agree with the sanctions adopted by the UN Security Council and the newly suggested ones by European Foreign Ministers. We believe that the sanctions could be an effective tool to put severe pressure on the Islamic republic.

However, the sanctions should be directed directly against the Iranian government and should not harm the innocent public.

4- In our opinion one of the main reasons of the longevity of the dictatorship in Iran has been the focus of all political power in Tehran. Therefore, we support a decentralization of the system where power and influence would be divided among the provinces. We believe that a federal system would restrict and eventually undermine Tehran’s monopoly on power.

We suggest the ethnic (national) federalism for Iran.

The federal republic of Iran ought to be established by the voluntary unity of Iranian nationalities and ethnic groups. It ought to be based on a democratic and national federal system and with two Houses of parliament. This ethnic federalism would be totally appropriate to Iranian national and linguistic reality.

5- We believe that only that constitution is able to unite the people living in the political geography of Iran that guarantees laicism, equal rights for all citizens and accepts the multinationality of Iran and the language of all the nationalities that live in this country and replaces the present political structure with ethnic federalism.

Dr. Sedigheh Adalati

2010

‎ADAPP’s Press Release: CRNI AWARDS IRANIAN HATE CARTOON‎

ASSOCIATION FOR THE DEFENCE OF AZERBAIJANI POLITICAL PRISONERS IN IRAN

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: June 25, 2010

For further information, please contact: info.adapp@gmail.com

CARTOONISTS RIGHTS NETWORK INTERNATIONAL AWARDS THE HATRED PROPAGANDA BY THE IRANIAN REGIME

We at ADAPP are deeply disappointed and saddened by CRNI’s decision to present the 2010 Award for Courage in Editorial Cartooning to Mana Neyestani’s 2006 cartoon that promotes hatred-propaganda and dehumanizes Azerbaijani-Turks in Iran.

ADAPP has consistently stated that “in Iran, it does not require much courage to insult and humiliate minorities! Millions of minorities in Iran are denied their basic rights and…depicted as inferior by the state-sponsored propaganda. The real act of courage would be demanding the government to provide basic language and cultural rights to the Iranian ethnic minorities…” This so-called “award of courage” comes at a time when Azerbaijanis in Iran are heavily engaged in an anti-racist struggle for restoration of its human rights and dignity.

“Cockroaches are not sexy,” remarked CRNI board member Nikahang Kowsar, who accepted the award for Neyestani. ADAPP agrees, but notes that such allowances have instigated atrocities world over. In February 2006, Hamshahri, an Iranian State-owned newspaper, announced the International Holocaust Cartoon Contest—making a mockery of a horrific episode in our human history. Months later, May 2006, another State-owned newspaper, Iran-Daily, published a cartoon depicting Azerbaijanis as cockroaches—same language used by Rwandan Genocidaires. Finally, in August 2006 the world witnessed a culmination of incendiary actions with the aforementioned Holocaust Contest. ADAPP wants the international community to understand that Neyestani’s “cockroaches” cartoon is an existing literature of racism and hatred serving to reinforce the victimization and marginalization of Azerbaijanis in Iran. It is in the same vein of activities pre-Holocaust and Rwandan genocides that led to millions of deaths. In response to the cartoon, hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis peacefully condemned Neyestani’s employer, Islamic Republic News Agency, in street demonstrations. Unfortunately, government response was violent, killing and wounding several, while arresting hundreds. In a weak attempt to quell the growing disapproval of said cartoon, they jailed Neyestani.

Acknowledging respect for freedom of speech, ADAPP questions if CRNI understands the gravity of honoring such a cartoon. ADAPP questions what CRNI—with its supporting organizations, Open Society and UNESCO—is honoring. Kowsar’s remarks are an attempt to downplay a grievous issue plaguing the Iranian society.

In awarding Neyestani this award, CRNI clearly contradicts its goal “that someone with a pen and a piece of paper can level the playing field for disenfranchised or bullied.” This award emboldens hate-literature users to marginalize vulnerable groups as “subhumans.”

Contact Information:
Association for the Defence of Azerbaijani Political Prisoners in Iran (ADAPP)
Fakhteh Zamani
Executive Director
Vancouver, Canada

بیانیه مطبوعاتی انجمن دفاع از زندانیان سیاسی آذربایجانی در ایران (آداپ)

شبکه بین‌المللی مدافع حقوق کاریکاتوریست‌ها (CRNI) به تبلیغ نفرت توسط حکومت ایران جایزه می دهد

ترجمه فارسی: تصمیم «شبکه بین‌المللی مدافع حقوق کاریکاتوریست‌ها» (CRNI) برای دادن جایزه سال ۲۰۱۰ شجاعت در کاریکاتور مطبوعاتی به مانا نیستانی به خاطر انتشار کاریکاتور نژادپرستانه و تحقیر آمیز در سال ۲۰۰۶ بر علیه جامعه آذربایجانی در ایران٬ ما را دلسرد و نا امید کرده است.

آداپ قویا تأکید می کند که٬ «در ایران٬ تحقیر و توهین به اقلیت های اتنیکی (غیر فارس) شجاعت نمی خواهد. در ایران حقوق اولیه میلیونها اقلیت [غیر فارس] انکار می شود و آنها با تبلیغات مورد حمایت دولت تحقیر می شوند. در ایران شجاعت واقعی اصرار برای دادن حقوق اولیه زبانی و فرهنگی به اقلیت های اتنیکی ساکن این کشور خواهد بود…» این جایزه به اصطلاح شجاعت در حالی به مانا نیستانی داده می شود که ترکهای آذربایجان درگیر مبارزه ای همه گیر با نژادپرستی برای بهبود وضعیت حقوق بشر و حرمت انسانی خود در ایران هستند.

نیک آهنگ کوثر٬ عضو هیئت مدیره CRNI و کسی که جایزه را از طرف مانا نیستانی قبول کرد٬ اظهار می کند که «سوسکها ارتباطی با جنسیت ندارند٬.» آداپ موافق است ولی تأکید می کند که تجویز چنین چیزی شناعت را در تمام دنیا تشویق می کند. در ماه فوریه سال ۲۰۰۶ روزنامه دولتی «همشهری»٬ با هدف به سخره گرفتن و انکار حادثه ای دردناک در تاریخ بشر٬ فراخوانی برای «مسابقه بین المللی کاریکاتور هولوکاست» منتشر کرد. چند ماه بعد٬ در ماه مه سال ۲۰۰۶ «روزنامه ایران»٬ یک نشر دولتی دیگر اقدام به انتشار کاریکاتوری کرد که ترکهای آذربایجان را به «سوسک» تشبیه می کرد ـ کلمه ای که هدایت کنندگان قتل عام نژادی رواندا در مورد یکی از اتنیکهای رواندا به کار برده بودند. بعد از فراخوان فوق الذکر روزنامه همشهری٬ سرانجام در ماه آگوست سال ۲۰۰۶ جهان اوج نفرت پراکنی را در نمایشگاه انکار هولوکاست در تهران مشاهده کرد. آداپ می خواهد دقت جامعه جهانی را به این واقعیت جلب کند که کاریکاتور مانا نیستانی نمونه ای از ادبیات نفرت و نژادپرستی است که در آن جامعه وجود دارد و وسیله است برای قربانی کردن و به حاشیه راندن آذربایجانیها در ایران. این از نوع همان فعالیتهایی است که قبل از نسل کشی های هولوکاست و رواندا صورت گرفت و به کشته شدن میلیونها نفر منجر شد. در اعتراض به این کاریکاتور٬ صدها هزار آذربایجانی به خیابانها ریخته و طی اعتراضات مسالمت آمیز کاریکاتور و دولت ایران را که منتشر کننده کاریکاتور مانا نیستانی بود٬ محکوم کردند. متأسفانه پاسخ حکومت بسیار خشونت آمیز و با کشتن و زخمی نمودن عده ای و بازداشت صدها نفر همراه بود. دولت برای فرونشاندن اعتراضات روبه رشد در واکنشی نا موفق اقدام به بازداشت نیستانی کرد.

آداپ آزادی بیان را قبول دارد ولی سؤال آداپ اینست که آیا CRNI از عواقب ناشی از تجلیل از چنین کارتون نژادپرستانه ای باخبر است یا نه؟ آیا CRNI و سازمانهای حمایت کننده از آن مانند سوروس و یونسکو٬ می دانند از چه چیزی تجلیل کرده اند؟ توضیحات نیک آهنگ کوثر تلاشی است برای کم اهمیت نشان دادن مرض دردناکی که در جامعه ایرانی ریشه دوانده است.

با دادان نشان شجاعت به نیستانی٬ CRNI به طور واضح بر خلاف این آرمان خود عمل کرده است که می گوید: » شخصی با یک قلم و تکه ای کاغذ می تواند٬ میدان بازی را برای افرادی هم که از حقوق شهروندی محروم شده و مورد ظلم قرار گرفته اند هموار کند.» این جایزه کسانی را که از ادبیات نفرت برای منزوی کردن گروه ها و جوامع بی دفاع استفاده می کنند٬ جسورتر می کند.

انجمن دفاع از زندانیان سیاسی آذربایجانی در ایران (آداپ)
فاخته زمانی
رئیس اجرائی
ونکوور٬ کانادا
۲۵ جون ۲۰۱۰

در همین زمینه بخوانید:

نامه دکتر مناف سببی ( جمعیت آزر در سوئد ) به دکتر رابرت راسل

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Dear Dr. Robert Russell,

On behalf of our Swedish Azerbaijanis members in AZER Association (Lund/Malmo-Sweden) I am writing you to inform how sad we are because of your annual Award. We learned from your homepage that CRNI gave its annual Award for Courage in Editorial Cartooning to Iranian cartoonist Mana Neyestani. We believe that he doesn’t deserve such a prize and unfortunately you have done this without considering our view or discussing the case with representative of Azerbaijanis who were offended by Mr. Neyestani´s chauvinistic cartoon.

As Mr. Neyestani in his letter confesses that his experience of imprisonment is different from other journalist because he was working for a state-run newspaper and was applying the policy of the Iranian government. And yet we Azerbaijanis are not sure whether he was jailed or he is now living in exile in South Asia. We believe truly that he is not a victim or threaten by government or Azerbaijanis as you state in your homepage.

Finally, we hope that you understand that by giving this award for Mr Neyestani your organization furthermore encourage other Persian speaking journalist and cartoonist to offend about 30 millions Azerbaijanis who are deprived of their basic human rights.

Sincerely

Manaf Sababi Ph.D.

Chairman of Swedish Azerbaijanis Association AZER

Tel:+46-70-3591315

www.azercemiyyet.com

___________________________________________________________

Azerbaijani-turkish translation

Hormətli Dr. Robert Russell,

Mən AZƏR cəmiyyətin (Lund/Malmö-Sweden) Isveçli azərbaycanlılar tərəfindən sizə yazaraq verdiyiniz illik mükafata görə etiraz və narazi qaldığımızı bildirmək istərdim.

Sizin internet səyfədən aldığımız məlumata görə rəhbərlik etdiyiniz təşkilat, CRNI, bu il şucaət mükafatını Iranlı karikatorist Mana Neyestani-yə verib. Təəssüflə bu şəxs ona layiq bir insan deyil və siz bu işi azərbaycanlı təşkilatlarla müzakirəsiz edibsiz.

Necə ki Neyestani bəy öz məktubunda həbs haqda dəyşik təcrubəli olduğunu etiraf edir çünki o bir hökumət qəzetində çalışıb və iqtidarın şovinist siyasətini irəli surub. Ona görə də biz azərbaycanlılar səmimiyyətlə ınanmırıq ki o həbsdə olub vəya indi isə cənub Asiya-da yaşayır. Biz səmimiyyətlə ınanmırıq ki o Iran şovinist hakimiyyəti tərəfindən vəya azərbaycanlılar tərəfindən təhlükə altında yaşayır necə ki siz öz saytızda belə yazırsız.

Son olaraq, ümud ediriq ki siz başa düşürsüz ki bu mükafatla diger şovinist fars jurnalistlərini siz təhrik və təşviq edirsiz ki 30 milyonliq Iranda yaşayan azərbayanlılara hormətsizliq heçdə ayıb deyil bəlkə mükafata da layiqdır.

Hormətlə

Manaf Sababi Ph.D.

Chairman of Swedish Azerbaijanis Association AZER

Tel:+46-70-3591315

www.azercemiyyet.com

Our Standards Concerning the Democracy-Seeking Process and the Green Movement

Statement by A Group of Azeri Activists & Intellectuals Concerning the Green Movement

Our Standards Concerning the Democracy-Seeking Process and the Green Movement

Translated by Frieda Afary

February 21, 2010

Eight months have passed since the start of the anti-dictatorial movement in Iran. This movement, which began by protesting the results of the presidential election, now promises fundamental changes in our society’s political life by giving voice to demands for democracy and freedom…

Although this new, rising movement has been able to take advantage of means such as the Internet and satellites…to introduce itself to the world at large, it has not been able to establish itself as a nationwide movement inside Iran. Thus, so far, the burden of this movement has fallen on the backs of the urban middle class in Central Iran. Its geographical scope has been limited to Tehran and, at most, several other cities. The meaningful silence of Azerbaijan (which is famed for being the vanguard in important political developments in modern Iranian history) is a clear example of this.

The following has to be pointed out: The low level of national consciousness and the superficial understanding of the concepts of freedom and democracy among activists in prior nationwide movements made it possible to create a simple unity of the people. This time, however, the intensification of discriminatory policies, the effects of ethnic oppression on the economic face of Azerbaijan, and the passage of two decades since the new national democratic movement of Azerbaijan have greatly increased the level of consciousness. So much so that any coordination or new unity is conditionally based upon the satisfaction of the minimum demands of the people of Azerbaijan and the preservation of and respect for their independent national actions.

During the past few months, we have seen statements from leaders, intellectuals, and political organizations in defense of the [Green] Movement. All of these statements share the call for democracy, human rights, secularism, free elections, free speech, a free press, free flow of information, and nonviolence…

However, we cannot speak of democracy without specifying its form in Iran’s multiethnic society. We cannot speak of free speech while we remain silent about the freedom to speak one’s language (which is the prerequisite for any freedom of speech), or while we occasionally make use of a literature promoting ancient [Persia] and totalitarianism, a literature rooted in tendencies opposed to human rights and democracy. [The above] constitute some of the defects and contradictions that will ultimately lead to a rash government and limit the benefits of a temporary democracy to Central Iran.

Therefore, while we welcome this valuable movement toward democracy, we the undersigned declare that in our opinion, the political future of the country will have a proper basis for growth and sustainable development if the following principles and issues are enforced and safeguarded. If the leaders of organizations and parties that support democracy pay attention to the following standards, we have no doubt that the basis for greater coordination and harmony among the people can be created.

1. Amending or rewriting the constitution based on the recognition of the collective and individual rights of the Turks and other nationalities.

2. Guaranteeing the sustainability of democracy in Azerbaijan and other national entities through the formation and defense of state legislatures, civil society institutions, workers’ unions, a free press, and state-based parties.

3. Recognizing the Turkish language through the use of the mother tongue as the language of instruction at schools and universities, and the dedication of a nationwide radio and television network to this language…

4. Guaranteeing equal rights to women in all arenas, and recognizing independent women’s organizations in Azerbaijan and other national entities.

5. Condemning all expressions of inhumane violence, whether contempt, discrimination, or torture (physical or emotional). Abolishing prison sentences for dissidents, participants in civil society, and political activists and promoters of all creeds.* Categorically abolishing the death penalty.

6. Safeguarding the participation of Iranian nationalities in the central government, commensurate with their population size.

7. Cultural detoxification via the correction of textbooks and programs on the Voice and Face of Iran [Iran’s radio and television network] that currently promote the superiority of a particular ethnic group and religion over others.

8. Recognition of freedom of thought and religion. Safeguarding equal rights for religious minorities and recognizing their independent organizations in the national entities.

9. Amending all laws that are contrary to the content of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, its conventions, and supplements.

10. Decentralization and the abolition of all symbols of discrimination. The creation of equal economic, social, cultural, and political conditions through allowing the people of Azerbaijan and other national entities to manage their own affairs.

*Based on Daryoush Ashouri’s suggestion, I have translated fa’alin-e aqidati as “promoters of all creeds.”

قایناق:

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2010/04/azeris-the-green-movement.html

Iran’s Election and Unrest: What’s behind the silence of the Azerbaijanis in Iran?

• 
• Nadir GHAZANFARI

August, 2009

Just hours after voting ended following last month’s presidential election in Iran on June 12, the reformist candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi claimed an early victory with a majority of the votes. But a day after the election where two prominent reformist candidates, Mousavi and Mahdi Karroubi, and the conservative candidate Mohsen Rezaie, had run against the president, Mahmud Ahmadinejad, Iran’s Interior Ministry announced that Ahmadinejad would retain the presidency–coming out ahead with more than 62 percent of the votes over his rival Mousavi, who had trailed far behind at 32 percent. After the election results were announced, reformist rivals Mousavi and Karrubi immediately protested, claiming the elections were rigged by Ahmadinijad. Mousavi contended that the election was marred by widespread fraud and insisted that he was robbed of a rightful victory. Rezaie followed suit.

People dissatisfied with the result of the elections demonstrated in Tehran and in some other cities, chanting «Where is my vote?» Hundreds of thousands of people flooded the streets of Tehran to support Mousavi and Karrubi’s claims that the election had been flawed. In a statement, the supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, praised the high turnout (reported to be 85%) and described the elections as a «real celebration» and called on people to stay calm.

Despite a number of both veiled and open threats against the protestors issued by Tehran, swarms of disappointed voters, reported to number more than 2 million people, pressed on with the demonstrations on June 15. But the firing on the crowds changed the tone of the protests. Iranian authorities confirmed that at least 8 people were killed. While Tehran was clearly home to the most volatile display of unrest and anti-government protests in the history of the Islamic Revolution, protestors rallied in support of a wider demonstration of dissent in other cities. The violent clampdown by the government and clashes between security forces and civilians during 10 days of protests ended with more than 20 people killed, hundreds injured and many arrested.

Protests also took place in some larger cities in Iran including Mashhad, Esfahan and Shiraz. But the predominantly Azerbaijani region of northwestern Iran, including its capital, Tabriz, remained quiet during the turbulent days of protests that rocked Tehran. There were a number of factors determining which way the Azerbaijani vote would go; one being the fact that Mousavi is an Azerbaijani and secondly, Ahmadinijad’s bloody handling of the demonstrations by ethnic Azerbaijani citizens back in 2006. Against a backdrop of active engagement and even leadership on the part of Iran’s Azerbaijanis in the social and political movements that have shaped Iran over the last century; the Azerbaijanis silence at today’s strategic juncture is no coincidence.

The role of the Azerbaijanis in the revolutions and political movements in 20th century Iran

In Borders and Brethren, Brenda Shaffer argues that in the history of modern Iran, Azerbaijanis always struggled for democracy hoping that this would bring autonomy to Azerbaijan. Starting from Iran’s 1906 Constitutional Revolution to the Islamic Revolution of 1979, as well as the period in between, Azerbaijanis have always taken on important roles during the critical turning points that determined the country’s political fate. Its proximity to the Ottoman Empire and to the Caucasus has historically made the Azerbaijani region of Iran open to progressive ideas and trends.

In the early 20th century the Constitutional Revolution took place in Iran in August 1906. The system of constitutional monarchy was created by the decree of Mozzafar-al-Din Shah as a result of the Revolution. After his death, his eldest son Mohammad Ali, an opponent of constitutional government, became the Shah. He carried a coup d’état and dissolved the National Assembly in 1908. Some deputies were killed and others were seized in Tehran. But Tehran is not the whole of Iran; and a civil war broke out as revolutionaries stood up in defense of the revolution in Tabriz. Sattar Khan and Bagher Khan, two main figures of the revolutionary movement, led the people of Tabriz to endure two sieges in defense of the Iranian Constitution of 1906, resisting against the royalist forces. The movement spread to other parts of Iran. Finally, the civil war was over when the rebel armies reached Tehran, and the second National Assembly was declared in 1909.6 Iran’s ethnic populations, and especially the Azerbaijanis, played an active role in the reestablishment of the Constitutional Assembly.

In 1919, an agreement was reached between Iran and the United Kingdom known as the Anglo-Iranian Agreement. According to the agreement, decision-making authority over Iran’s military, financial, and customs affairs were transferred to Britain. The Democratic Party of Azerbaijan under the leadership of Shaykh Muhammad Khiabani was the first to demonstrate against the agreement and accused Tehran of selling out to foreign colonialists. The party demanded the establishment of a republic in Iran and went even further, calling the province of Azerbaijan as Azadistan (the land of freedom). The demonstrations spread to other parts of Iran, especially Tehran. Khiabani led Tabriz and the surrounding areas to another revolt against Britain’s colonial maneuvers. Iranian forces were sent to Tabriz, the revolt was suppressed and Khiabani killed. The agreement was abrogated in 1920.6

After 1926, when the Pahlavi dynasty took over power in Iran, an era of dictatorship started under Reza Shah Pahlavi’s reign. He launched various projects that he called reforms and aspired to build a nation through a rapid push for modernization, all the while eliminating all ethnic rights which had been the first of their kind in the history of Iran–a country which has never had an officially dominant ethnic group. The demand for ethnic cultural and economical rights was voiced from the Azerbaijani region. During World War II, Iran was occupied by the Allies and Reza Shah was removed from power, after which time the winds of democracy blew in Iran. The first voice of democracy rose from Tabriz.

Jafar Pishevari announced the foundation of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan (the same name as Khiabani’s organization). «The party expressed that Azerbaijan will remain as part of Iran but demanded three major reforms for Azerbaijan: the use of Azerbaijani Turkish in state schools and government offices; the retention of tax revenues for the development of the region; and the establishment of the provincial assemblies promised in the constitutional laws».6 The party announced the autonomy of Azerbaijan on December 12, 1945 with Pishevari as the founder and chairman of the Azerbaijan People’s Government. Tehran was strife with concern about the rising demands for ethnic rights, fearing that other ethnic minorities would soon vocalize similar demands. The Iranian government sent forces to Azerbaijan in order to crush the Azerbaijan autonomous government. The forces attacked Tabriz and the autonomous government was crushed only a year later, in December 1946. Thousands of people were killed and executed after Tabriz was occupied. Once again, demands for democracy in Iran were cut down in Tabriz.

The 1979 revolution that lifted Ayatollah Khomeini to power was carried out by a wide coalition of groups with different ideological orientations. What united them was the desire to dismantle the throne of monarchy in Iran. Many of the provinces with predominately non-Persian ethnic groups did not favor the new rules that the incoming regime was planning to institutionalize, especially the referendum for the establishment of an Islamic Republic in Iran.

Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, born to an Azeri family in Tabriz, was the leading representative of the clergy during the final years of the reign of Reza Shah. He opposed the establishment of an Islamic republic which did not fully represent the will of the Iranian people and which aimed to exclusively grant all power to the supreme leader. An outspoken critic of Khomeini, Ayatollah Shariatmadari opposed the new constitution, which was based heavily on Khomeini’s view of «governance of the jurist» or Velāyat-e faqīh. Following the referendum on the constitution, Azerbaijanis demonstrated against the results on the basis that the media had treated them unfairly and that the referendum was rigged. The Muslim People’s Republican Party (MPRP) was founded in 1979 by supporters of Ayatollah Shariatmadari in his native Azerbaijan and took control of Tabriz for a month. The government maintained that the protestors were foreign instigators, not Iranians, a move reminiscent of statements issued earlier by the Shah after the Tabriz demonstrations in 1978 against the Pahlavi regime. During this time, Azerbaijani protestors and the Revolutionary Guard clashed in violent confrontations and when finally the security forces wrested control of Tabriz, eleven MPRP leaders were executed. Killings which aimed to eliminate political opponents continued for days in Tabriz. Further executions of MPRP members took place some months later in May. Soon afterward Khomeini ordered the MPRP disbanded. Once again, the Azerbaijanis endeavors in the name of furthering democracy in Iran were thwarted by bloody means. No show of support came from Tehran or other Iranian cities. The events of late 1979 and early 1980 were a turning point for many Azerbaijanis in their relation with the Islamic Republic.

The Azerbaijanis national movement

After the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988, Azerbaijanis hoped that they could finally claim, at a minimum, the rights which are laid out in the Constitution. But state policies were moving the country in a completely different direction.

During this period, Azerbaijani national identity entered a phase of increasing awareness and consolidation in Iran. This trend accelerated dramatically following the independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Additionally, the occupation of Karabakh proved to add more steam to the ethnic stirrings among Azerbaijanis in Iran.8, Iran has long been weary of a strong handed Azerbaijan which could mobilize ethnic-based identity politics in Iran and provoke demands for ethnic rights among its own Azerbaijani population in Iran. Despite ideological differences with Armenia, Iran supported the Armenians against Azerbaijan in the Karabakh conflict-even though Iran and Azerbaijan both have a Shiite Muslim majority. This caused dissatisfaction with Iran’s policies toward Azerbaijan among Iranian Azerbaijanis at home. Students at Tabriz University organized a protest inside the university. The demonstrations were the first of their kind in terms of the political content and tone highlighting demands for the recognition of Azerbaijani language and identity.

In 1995, the Iran Broadcasting Authority released a survey in which widespread prejudice was revealed among Persians toward Azerbaijanis. Students at Tabriz University organized a protest to condemn the racist questionnaire.11 The demonstration ended when the East Azerbaijan Province governor accepted to meet the protesters. The demonstrators indicated that the survey was conducted «to divert our national struggle from its main stream to a reduced issue of Fars-Turk conflict». The protests came to an end but the event deeply affected the terms of the Azerbaijanis relationship with the government, as well as their approach to promoting Azerbaijani identity from that point forward. Feeling sidelined from mainstream Iran, ethnic Azeris became more eager to embrace their own cultural heritage and history.

The period of collective awakening among the Azerbaijanis marked by more vocal demands for their ethnic rights reached its peak with the Iranian parliamentary elections in 1996. In Tabriz, Mahmudali Chehregani, the parliamentary candidate who had the support of the Azerbaijani student activists, ran on a platform that called for the use of Azerbaijani Turkish in schools and in the state apparatus, and greater economic development measures for the Azerbaijani provinces.5 Although Chehregani received overwhelming support from the voters in Tabriz, the central government could not tolerate it. The security forces detained Chehregani, the Tabriz-based demonstrations in his support were silenced, and hundreds of students and activists were arrested. He was released after he agreed to withdraw his candidacy from the elections.

The 1996 elections were a disappointment for the Azerbaijanis who had held high hopes that it would be a watershed moment in strengthening pluralistic democracy in Iran. It also changed their strategy in terms of voicing demands for an expansion of ethnic rights. In the face of Tehran’s resistance to signs of the opening up of political spaces for the Azerbaijanis, they arrived at the conclusion that there was no longer any hope of achieving greater freedoms from inside the existing political system and decided that the struggle should continue independently. The result was what is today called the «South Azerbaijan National Movement» (SANM).

Demands for greater recognition of ethnic rights in Iran are rising among Iran’s diverse non-Persian ethnic groups. Along with Azerbaijani Turks, Arabs, Kurds, Beluchis, and Turkmans are also struggling for an expansion of democratic measures to ensure the rights of all ethnic minorities in the country. The efforts of Azerbaijanis in achieving progress through political struggle have generally been halted by the government. The irony has been the prevalence of persistent restrictions and limitations even in the period of the reformist government under former president Khatami-a time which had held out great hopes in favor of liberalization and plurality in Iranian politics.

The cartoon crisis

On May 12, 2006, «Iran», a state-run newspaper published a cartoon insulting Azerbaijanis. It depicted an Azeri-speaking cockroach and suggested people deny it food until it learned to speak Persian. Azerbaijani university students held demonstrations protesting the cartoon and demanded a formal government apology. In the first days of the demonstrations, no official response from the government condemning the cartoon materialized. The demonstrations spread to other cities in the predominantly Azerbaijani region of Iran. On May 22, Tabriz was home to the greatest anti-state demonstration since the founding of the Islamic Revolution. The protestors went out to the streets and called on Tehran to respect ethnic rights, and demanded that Azerbaijani Turkish be an official state language in Iran. The Azerbaijanis peaceful demonstrations were met with force. The security forces fired on people, reportedly killing at least 15 and arrested hundreds of protestors. Similar demonstrations shook most of the Azerbaijani cities. Naghadeh (Sulduz), Urmia, and Meshghinsherhr (Khiyav) hosted bloody demonstrations with at least 10 people killed.

In response to the vast demonstrations, the government quickly removed the editor-in-chief of the newspaper and the caricaturist, but no official apology was released. The Iranian media did not adequately report the events that occurred during the demonstrations despite their unprecedented size and duration and the events went largely unnoticed in foreign media outlets as well. Azerbaijanis found themselves completely alone in the struggle for their rights in Iran. The opposition in Iran, the so called reformist camp, also did not support the rightful protests of the Azerbaijanis. The demonstrations were not only a backlash against the cartoon, but represented a wider uprising against the tens of years of discrimination and oppression in Iran toward the Azerbaijanis.

Why are Azerbaijanis quiet today?

The silence among the Azerbaijanis in light of the widely contested results of the June 12 presidential election in Iran has three major reasons. The first and most important is the historical background of the Azerbaijani struggle for democracy in Iran. Although Azerbaijanis have played a central role in the battle for ethnic rights, sacrificing themselves at times to achieve the common goal they share with other ethnic groups in Iran, the movements and revolutions were deflected or even brought down brutally by centralist sentiments in Tehran. Since the Azerbaijanis demands have not been guaranteed despite previous political attempts, there is a sense of disillusionment among the Azerbaijanis today who do not want to participate in what they view as passing trends that are not likely to identify with or support their cause for greater rights and freedoms.

The second reason is how the May 2006 uprisings of the Azerbaijanis were clamped down by Tehran. The opposition centralists did not support the demonstrations. In fact, the most damaging reaction came from human rights organizations in Iran who ignored the news of human rights violations reported in the Azeri region. Such actions disappointed the Azerbaijani community, and brought them to a position where some now think of themselves as no longer a part of Iran.

Finally, many Azerbaijanis interpret the recent post-election uprisings on the streets of Tehran as a struggle for power and control, not for the ideals of democracy. Although Azerbaijanis do not approve of Ahmadinijad’s policies and attitudes toward ethnic groups in Iran, they are not confident that the reformists will choose a different, and more tolerant, set of policies. Azerbaijanis recall the Khatami presidency which failed to bring any genuine change in the regime’s approach toward an expansion of ethnic rights. This is also true for other ethnic groups in Iran, since they also are tired of being caught up in Iran’s domestic power struggles at the expense of progress on cultural and language rights granted to ethnic minorities not far beyond Iran’s borders.

Any new proposal tabled by the opposition movement on the issue of ethnic minority rights needs to be convincing and support measures such as formally recognizing the decades of discrimination that ethnic communities in Iran have had to endure; acknowledging Azeri and other language and cultural rights; and introducing institutional mechanisms to allow ethnic groups to participate in a more representative and pluralistic political system in Iran. Such steps would encourage non-Persian ethnicities to actively participate in molding Iran’s political, economic and social future, and help regain lost confidence in Tehran.

i http://ghalamnews.ir/ Mousavi’s official website.
ii http://tabnak.ir/ Last access 10/07/09.
iii http://www.kayhannews.ir/ Keyhan newspaper official website.
vi http://www.irna.ir/ The official news agency of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Last access 10/07/09.
v Brenda Shaffer, Borders and Brethren: Iran and the Challenge of Azerbaijani Identity, The MIT press (2002).
vi Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions, Princeton University press (1982). Ahmad Kasravi, History of Iranian Constitutional Revolution, Amir Kabir press (1978).
vii Alireza Asgharzadeh, Iran and the Challenge of Diversity: Islamic Fundamentalism, Aryanist Racism, and Democratic Struggles, Palgrave Macmillan (2007).
viii Brenda Shaffer.
ix Hamed Yeghanepur, «Azerbaijan national movement», South Azerbaijan Social and Cultural Researches (GUNASKAM).
http://www.gunaskam.com/az1/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=62….
x Alireza Asgharzadeh, «In Search of a Global Soul: Azerbaijan and the Challenge of Multiple Identities», South Azerbaijan Social and Cultural Researches (GUNASKAM). http://www.gunaskam.com/eng/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=67….
xi Araz Student Journal, Azerbaijan student movement, Tabriz University (2005).
xii Arif Keskin, «Azerbaijani-Turk nationalism in Iran and the cartoon crisis», South Azerbaijan Social and Cultural Researches (GUNASKAM). http://www.gunaskam.com/tr/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=110….
xiii Association for the Defense of Azerbaijani Political Prisoners in Iran, http://www.adapp.info/.

Azerbaijan Speaks

Esteemed People of Iran,

Endeared Fellow Countrymen:

 

Ever since the dawn of the Great Constitutional Revolution the justice and

freedom loving forces of our country have been trying to restore freedom and

justice in our society, and provide each and every citizen access to all

individual and collective human rights.

Our nation has been witnessing the tyranny of many autocratic shahs, who did not

refrain from any brutality for maintaining their rule. However, human experience

provides abundant evidence, that brutality will not last.

The anti-monarchy revolution of 1979 was an example of such an experience for

erecting the republican government and democracy.

Although a quarter of a century has passed since that glorious historical event,

a fundamental question is whether the national desires of the Iranians have been

actually fulfilled.

An anlysis of the mistakes and the weaknesses of the past will no doubt provide

a guiding light for the new democratic movement of the Iranian People.

Lack of a precise definition of democracy and the ways of demanding it as a

social institution, failure to take the objective pre-requisites of democracy in

forming mass-scale social, economical, cultural, ethnic and religious attitudes

into consideration seem to have been the main causes of our failure in erecting

a democratic government.

Under these circumstances, providing a clear view of the necessities of

democracy and the attributes of the republican government can help the

democratic and freedom loving forces develop a better mutual understanding, and

guarantee the unification and collaboration of these forces to achieve the

government structure desired by the majorities.

We, the undersigned, representing the writers, poets, academics and students, 

journalists and political activists of Azarbaijan, supported by other fellow

countrymen in building a comprehensive front for demand of democracy express our

opinions on the basic outlines of the freedom loving movement of the Iranian

nation as follow:

 

1 – The first and foremost condition for realising the national desires is

transition to a democratic system based on the recognised principles of the

republican government, in the light of which the individual and social rights

depicted in the International Declaration of Human Rights and its attachments

can be guaranteed.

 

2 – In respect of the geographical vastness and ethnic multiplicity and

historical backgrounds of our country, a transition to the federal system is

inevitable. In the recent century the very existence of such well-known

institutions as The Provincial Councils and The Islamic Councils in the

constitutions of the mashruta revolution and that of the Islamic Republic

indicate the inevitability of the federal system in Iran, which has been further

illustrated by the idea of deviding the country into 10 provincial sectors in

the last 2 years.

 

3 – A definition of the cultural, economical and political rights of the

citizens and their equality in all respects within the framework of law is a

guarantee of the healthy structure and surviving capacity of the republic. Thus,

assignment to a certain ideology, thought, race and religion should not lead to

any superiority or legitimation. We believe that being elected by the majority

through a democratic election process is the sole mandate for legitimation.

 

4 – In respect of the fact that Iran is a country with multiple nationalities,

and various recognised, mass-scale and independent languages such as Turkish,

Farsi, Arabic, Kurdish, Turkmen and Baloutchi have been in use in its vast

geography throughout the history, quick acceptance and transparent fulfillment

of the obvious principle of education in the mother language in all levels of

education is an essential fact.

 

5 – In respect of the fact that all languages and dialects and also all cultural

heritage belong to the spiritual wealth of the nation, creating appropriate

conditions for survival and flourishing of all active languages and dialects of

Iran, and protecting and restoring all the cultural memorials without

discrimination is our demand.

 

6 – As homage to the human rank of women in the society comprising half of the

population, adherence to The Anti-discrimination Convention and its attachments

is essential.

 

7 – Steady scientific, cultural, economical and social development throughout

the country is inevitable in order to safeguard democracy and guarantee its

continuation. We demand extention of security, education, public media, health,

employment, housing and other means of welfare to each and every individual on

an equal basis.

 

8 – Environment and ecological multiplicity as well as genetical resources of

Iran belong to our most valuble national assets. We demand that extensive damage

brought upon the environment in the last decades be compensated and these

valuble resources be safeguarded.

 

9 – We believe that, in the foreign policy defending the national interests and

maintaining harmonical relationship in the internationa arena in the interest of

the friendship of nations and in the interest of developing the world peace and

security are essential for our security, progress and national tranquility.

We believe in formulating the demands through peaceful ways. We consider that

various methods of civil resistance such as sit-ins, gatherings, parades,

strikes and request of plebiscite are the essential rights of the nation for

achieving its demands.

It is our conviction that eliminating or neglecting any of the afore mentioned

cases leads to undermining the confidence of wide masses of people, and possibly

to their confrontation and finally to the wasting of resources and postponing

the social development of the country.

We hope that all forces honestly endeavouring to play a role in the development

and progress of the society will pave the way for the movement of the Iranian

people through a realistic analysis of the characteristics and difficulties of

the Iranian society and of the course of developments in the region, and finally

through submitting solutions for peaceful realisation of the objectives

described above.

May we succeed in laying the foundations of a progressive and graceful country,

with free and equal citizens, by holding a clear view of democracy and by

developing a sound understanding of the difficulties of our society.

 

June 28, 2003